Warning: Undefined array key "post_type_name" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 21

Warning: Undefined array key "term_link" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 25

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 38

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 42

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 46


Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 80

Federal Policy Analysis

CleanLaw Quick Take: The Debt Ceiling Bill and NEPA Permitting Reform with Ari Peskoe and Carrie Jenks


EELP Senior Staff Attorney Hannah Perls, Executive Director Carrie Jenks, and Electricity Law Initiative Director Ari Peskoe break down recent changes to federal permitting passed as part of the Fiscal Responsibility Act, aka the debt ceiling bill, signed by President Biden on June 3rd.

Mentioned link: U.S. Senate Committee on Environment & Public Works’ Hearing on Federal Actions to Improve Project Reviews for a Cleaner and Stronger Economy (May 17, 2023)

Quotes:

“… [T]ruly meaningful community engagement happens long before you’re into the NEPA process and there’s nothing in this bill that encourages or discourages that early community engagement.” (7:45)

“I think the one thing that I hear from companies trying to build clean energy projects is that they just need an answer. A faster path to get to ‘no’ is very helpful, even though it’s a ‘no,’ because the financing is tied up on timing and trying to get good answers from the government is what they’re doing.” (13:39)

“When we talk about cutting down on these [permitting] timelines, it’s not about cutting back on community engagement. It’s really trying to find the efficiencies and building out agency capacity to get the information they need and share it effectively amongst themselves.” (14:20)

Transcript

Hannah Perls: Welcome to CleanLaw from Harvard’s Environmental and Energy Law Program. I’m Hannah Perls, and in this Quick Take episode, I speak with EELP’s Executive Director Carrie Jenks and Ari Peskoe, director of EELP’s Electricity Law Initiative, to break down recent changes to federal permitting passed as part of the Fiscal Responsibility Act, aka the debt ceiling bill, which President Biden signed on June 3rd. Hi, Carrie. Hi, Ari.

Ari Peskoe: Hello.

Carrie Jenks: Hello.

Hannah: I think first we just want to flag for listeners, there’s a lot that is in this law that we’re not going to discuss today, and that includes restrictions on discretionary spending for the next two fiscal years, changes to eligibility rules for food stamps and temporary assistance for needy families, and also the expediting of federal approvals for the Mountain Valley pipeline. So again, we’re not going to dive into that now. We’re really going to focus on changes to NEPA, the National Environmental Policy Act, and of course transmission. So Ari, maybe we can start with you on that last one. Do you want to talk a bit about what’s not in this bill?

Ari: Yeah. Great. Let’s talk about transmission. So at some point in the negotiations, there was a bill that would’ve been a boon for transmission development that actually has nothing to do with permitting reform. So a major challenge for transmission development is pushing the utility industry to build beneficial projects or having them get out of the way and let other companies build those projects. So utilities have local transmission monopolies and they are generally eager to build new projects or refurbish old projects within their monopoly territories. Utilities have also organized themselves into about a dozen regional planning groups and they’re supposed to build larger-scale projects. We’ve seen mixed results at best in these larger-scale regional planning processes because regional projects can expose utilities to competition and they generally don’t like that.

The biggest challenge for transmission has been inter-regional projects. That is projects that connect these 12 or so regions and it’s really no one’s responsibility to build these inter-regional projects. And utilities generally are not in favor of them, because again, they expose utilities to competition. And so there haven’t really been any significant projects. So what this bill would have done was establish a minimum level of connectedness between regions, and that would’ve required the industry to do quite a lot of development, would’ve benefited consumers by lowering energy costs, by improving reliability. And also, this would’ve been key for the clean energy transition, but again, not in the bill.

Hannah: So speaking of, can you talk about what is actually in the bill and how you feel about it?

Ari: Yeah, so this minimum connectedness requirement, minimum transfer capability, instead of actually requiring that, what Congress is instead doing is ordering a study of this minimum connectedness requirement, minimum transfer capability requirement. So the bill tells NERC, which is the organization in charge of setting reliability standards, to do a study about the sort of inter-regional connections. It’s a three-year-long study process. And NERC, as I said, focused on reliability, which is only part of the benefit here for these sorts of projects. So I think we’ll probably get back a study that’s limited in scope. There are already many studies done by the Department of Energy, the national labs, academics, advocacy organizations, the industry, et cetera, all about this very topic. So it’s not clear we need another study but that’s what’s in the bill.

Hannah: So Congress has essentially kicked the can down the road on inter-regional transmission. In the interim, is there anything federal agencies can do with their existing statutory authority?

Ari: So FERC already has a proceeding looking at the possibility of FERC itself setting this minimum transfer capability requirements. So it’s not clear how the FERC commissioners are going to view this study, whether they think it means they should wait for the study before they do anything. Certainly it doesn’t require them to wait. They could take action right away. FERC has a number of other proceedings about various transmission issues. The Department of Energy also is in the process of performing various studies, planning studies about the sorts of projects that would be in the national interest. And the last thing I’ll mention about all this is that both DOE and FERC are also in the process of issuing rules about how they can permit projects under authority that’s in the Infrastructure Act of 2021 that they have yet to use.

Hannah: So TBD.

Ari: TBD.

Hannah: Well, maybe we can shift gears to the National Environmental Policy Act, NEPA, federal permitting. Carrie, do you want to just start with what changes stuck out to you the most?

Carrie: Yeah, I’ll start with a few. I think it’s important to think about what their objectives were. And I think here there’s been a long debate over the past year or so of about how to make permitting go faster and how to make it more deliberate so that we know what the decisions are. So I think you’re seeing some of the ideas in here to try to expedite that process, but I think in the end, there is still a lot to be worked out. CEQ is going to have to now develop regulations to implement these statutory changes that are in this bill.
And so there’s still a lot of questions. I think there’s more questions than answers. But talking through a few of the things to tee up, they’ve clarified the relevant scope of NEPA. So they use the words “reasonably foreseeable” environmental effects of the proposed action. So that’s giving additional language to the statute of what they have to look at for environmental reviews. But I don’t know that it changes it that much. I think it’d be odd to think about the fact that you had to look at something that was not foreseeable.

Hannah: And that language is in CEQ’s regs already?

Carrie: Exactly. Yep. So it’s putting some of the regulatory and the case law into the statute. I think that’s key. Another helpful addition is that the same section requires agencies to consider an analysis of negative environmental effects of not implementing the proposal. So if you think about climate change, I think this gives some grounds to maybe think about what would happen if you’re not building a wind farm? What are the climate impacts of that? So that could be important also. But how do you interpret it? Who’s interpreting it? Is it the courts? Is it CEQ? Which administration is in the White House? All of that’s going to be really important to understand what the implications are.

Hannah: And there’s a lot that this bill does on inter-agency coordination. And can you talk a bit about what is the problem that that’s trying to solve and then what are the components of the bill that stood out to you on that piece in particular?

Carrie: Yeah, I think one thing to talk through is that one of the problems is that the federal government moves slowly, and so part of it is a resource issue, not having enough agency expertise to be able to move through all these projects that are before them quickly. But what they’re trying to do here is to coordinate the agencies that would be involved in any one given project. So they now are required to name a lead agency so that there’s coordination among the federal government to try to make this work better. One piece of that though is how do project proponents also engage the communities? Do you want to talk a little bit about how this would affect that?

Hannah: Sure. So community engagement, and in general, getting public feedback, in particular from communities that might be impacted by a proposed action, is a fundamental part of what NEPA is and the sort of service that it provides as part of this permitting process. I think one thing to consider before we jump into the specific changes is if you’re already in the NEPA process, the project is almost fully baked, and so there’s not much that community engagement can do to meaningfully change the outcome. And so I think one piece I just wanted to flag is that truly meaningful community engagement happens long before you’re really into the NEPA process and there’s nothing in this bill that really encourages or discourages that early community engagement. So that is something that we need to keep our eye on but it’s not something that is changed by this bill in particular.

There are changes to specific parts of NEPA. One big area is categorical exclusions. These are categories of projects that are not required to go through an environmental assessment or environmental impact statement process because the agencies have determined that these projects normally don’t have a significant effect on the environment. And they’ve really been in use since the late 1970s. And each agency has their own rule about how to determine if a categorical exclusion would apply to a particular project or how to adopt a new categorical exclusion. I know this is a lot of words but I think it’s important just to think through how these things work before we dive into what the bill changed. The other piece to note is that when an agency adopts a new categorical exclusion, they have to go through notice and comment. So there is this public comment process that’s baked into that.

What this bill does is it takes a change that was made in 2020 by the Trump administration and makes it law. So an agency now can, if it wants, adopt a categorical exclusion from another agency. So if the Forest Service has a categorical exclusion for a particular type of project and the USDA wants to do that, they can essentially borrow the categorical exclusion from the Forest Service. Again, this is a “may,” but there’s no public comment process that would go along with that borrowing. I think the question for us is just thinking through what is the consequence. I think in one situation we could see that’s a really efficient thing to do. One example is thinking about prescribed burns before wildfire season. That’s not something you want agencies to take a long time to ponder, especially if it’s over a minimal geographic scale. And there is guidance from CEQ that’s still in effect that really delineates the boundaries of what a categorical exclusion can be.

It has to be limited, often in time. It might be limited if there’s critical habitat in the area. And of course, categorical exclusions don’t get you out of other types of environmental laws. So I’m thinking about the National Historic Preservation Act, the Endangered Species Act, things like that. That said, you could see a world in which this provision is abused. And so I think it’s going to be really interesting to see how CEQ interprets this provision that’s now in statute as part of their phase two rules. So that was a lot on categorical exclusions but I think that’s one piece that people are really thinking a lot about. The other pieces that I would just flag are the page and the time limits. So the statute explicitly says that the EIS should be no more than 150 pages, environmental assessment, no more than 75 pages. If it’s an extraordinarily complex project, no more than 300.

But that does not include citations and appendices. And if anyone knows lawyers, they know we love our citations. So I think the practical effect is that we’re going to see these environmental documents that have the same amount of content. It’s just moved to the back. I don’t think this changes what we’ll see in these documents. There are new time limits in the law. So an EIS should take no more than two years, an environmental assessment, no more than one year. And there is a piece now where there’s a way to petition a court to review agency decisions if they don’t meet their deadlines. And so again, I think now we’re looking at what does it mean to involve the courts in this way? Do the agencies have the capacity to meet these timelines? There are back doors where an agency can request more time but really the devil will be in the details.

Carrie: So why do this? We keep saying it depends on who’s implementing it. Does it make a difference? I guess my take, and I’m curious what you both think, is that it can make a difference. It can force the government to make decisions. And if they have good information in front of them, they can make better decisions. And it makes everyone sit at the table and work it out. It can also make, on the other side of the spectrum, a rushed decision and then you end up with a bad decision. So do we think this is a good thing, a bad thing?

Hannah: Yeah. I mean, I think it depends on what is the source of the delay. If it is just agencies aren’t talking to each other and they need to be talking to each other and this is how you’re going to get them to the table, that’s great. If it’s “there’s a real scientific question mark here and we need the time to really think it through and do assessments and figure out the answer, or we just don’t have the expertise and the staffing capacity that we need to do this in a thorough, methodical way,” a court decision is not going to give you the money you need to hire more staff. So I think the question is what is the problem? If it’s a solvable problem, just by kicking people in the butt, great. But if it’s bigger than that, I don’t see a solution here. Ari did you want to say anything about the deadlines?

Ari: Well, I mean, I think on the transmission side, federal permitting is not usually the major obstacle, but when it is, we have recent projects where the federal permitting process can take five, 10 years, even longer than that. So I just wonder, will these deadlines really provide the certainty that project developers really want that might actually encourage more projects? If they knew they would get the yes or no within a year or two or whatever it is, then I think we might actually see at least proposals. But if it doesn’t really provide that certainty, if there’s still contingencies, then maybe not. I think we’ll want to see a couple of test projects go through the process before maybe the developers feel really confident about how this is going to work.

Carrie: Well, maybe talk about the FAST Act, the amendments to the energy storage there, because there is a process for the federal government to have more accountability and to move big projects faster, and they’ve added energy storage to that list of types of projects. Do you think that those are helpful?

Ari: I’m just not sure how effective it’s been for transmission at actually getting it done in a timely manner, even when it goes through that process. But again, we have a limited number of projects that have gone through them and I think they’ve still taken several years.

Carrie: Yeah. And I think the one thing that I hear from companies trying to build clean energy projects is that they just need an answer. A faster path to get to no is very helpful, even though it’s a no, because the financing is tied up on timing and trying to get good answers from the government is what they’re doing. But maybe shift to the project proponent EISs and what that means.

Hannah: Sure. Really quick on the deadlines, I just wanted to make one implicit thing explicit, which is we haven’t talked about community engagement as a source of delay. I think there’s been a lot of noise made that community engagement takes a really long time, slows projects down, and that’s really not what the agencies tell us. And there was a great hearing about NEPA, we can link to that hearing in the show notes. But when we talk about cutting down on these timelines, it’s not about cutting back on community engagement. It’s really trying to find the efficiencies and building out agency capacity to get the information they need and share it effectively amongst themselves.

Carrie: And I think you made the right point or really helpful point that the community engagement needs to happen before the NEPA process happens so that you can go through the NEPA process in a very efficient way, but you’ve really engaged the community so that they are part of that project. And both sides have revised the project so that it’s a project that actually can work.

Hannah: Right. The last thing I wanted to touch on is project proponent prepared EISs. That’s a lot of Ps. But there is a provision now in the law that says the lead agency, so the agency that’s heading up this NEPA process shall, so it’s a mandate, prescribe procedures that allow the project sponsor to prepare the EA or the EIS under the supervision of the agency. There’s also pieces where the federal agency can provide appropriate guidance and can assist in the preparation of that document and also has to independently evaluate the document and take responsibility for its contents, meaning defend it in court. So again, I think this is a situation where we see federal agencies that are incredibly strapped.

If the project sponsor does it well and in a transparent way that the lead agency really kicks the tires on that assessment and says, “No, we identify a gap,” and they send it back. And you’re able to use the resources of the project sponsor to get this robust study done. I think that’s really effective. And of course, there is a lot of skepticism that this is a backdoor for companies to pull the wool over the eyes of the federal government. The federal government doesn’t have the capacity to look at it in a critical way. And I think there’s concerns about abuse. So again, I think this is just a situation where we’ll have to see what are the guidelines that CEQ sets out for this particular process? Does the agency have the capacity to review those documents? And what does that mean when we actually look at these documents in litigation?

Carrie: Right. And I think perspective matters. I think you want the federal agencies to have the expertise to review the projects and the documents that are submitted. You want the project proponents to have the certainty and be able to have the resources to hire the best experts that are credible and transparent. And you also want the courts to be able to look at that and defer to the agencies. All of those though have a ton of risks in them depending on who’s doing what and who’s reviewing them. And you need the agencies to have the expertise and that requires resources and time and budget. And those have been a challenge in history.

Hannah: Maybe that’s a good transition to talking about the addition of reliable data source and the types of information the agency should use. Do you want to talk about that?

Carrie: Yeah. So they added in new language that says that the agencies may use any reliable data source and that new research is not necessary unless new scientific or technical research is essential to a reasoned choice among the alternatives. It makes sense that if there’s good data out there, you should be able to rely on it. You don’t have to repeat and do new science. But what does reliable data mean? And what does science mean? We’ve seen that go back and forth with the courts under the Trump administration. And so it makes people nervous, but at the same time, if you do it with good faith, that makes sense to me too. So it depends, again, who’s implementing it.

Hannah: So we alluded to the phase two rule. So CEQ decided to split its rulemakings under NEPA. They issued a phase one rule that rolled back some of the most important parts of the Trump 2020 rule and promised to get to the rest of it in a phase two rule. That rule has been sitting with OIRA at the Office of Management and Budget since January 30th of this year. What is likely going to happen is that CEQ will now withdraw that proposal and have to redo the proposal given all of these changes to NEPA. And I think it is the first time that NEPA’s been significantly amended since it was passed. So it really is significant as a moment in time, even if the changes themselves aren’t a massive overhaul of the statute. So we’ll likely see CEQ withdraw and re-send a new proposal to OIRA. The question is, of course, when all of this happens, they’ll have to get public comment and ultimately finalize that rule.

Carrie: I think it’s important though to think through many of these concepts were probably in the regulations that they were drafting. These are new ideas. I think they were thinking through how do they start to evaluate climate change impacts? What is reasonably foreseeable? How do you rely on the best data? How do you make the process work better? Page limits, time limits, they were all things that were being discussed. So I think it’ll be interesting to see now they can rely on the statute for that authority but they’re still going to have to interpret what does reasonably foreseeable mean? And these terms that are now in here, how do they start to implement them and have some guardrails, as you’ve talked about, to make sure that they are done well and thoughtfully?

Hannah: And I think the other part that folks are obviously aware of is it does set up a question for the courts to assess whether that interpretation is correct in the eyes of the court. So again, it depends on who’s interpreting that language, and that’s just something we’ll have to wait and see. Well, Carrie, Ari, thank you so much for breaking down the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023. It was great to talk with you.

Hannah: One part of the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023.

Carrie: Thanks.

Ari: Thank you.


Warning: Undefined array key "post_type_name" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 21

Warning: Undefined array key "term_link" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 25

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 38

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 42

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 46


Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 80

Electricity Law Power Sector

CleanLaw Quick Take — Good News for Clean Energy from the Supreme Court


Executive Director Carrie Jenks and EELP’s Electricity Law Initiative Director Ari Peskoe discuss the Supreme Court’s recent National Pork Producers Council v. Ross decision. Ari explains how this case about a California law regulating sales of pork products will help insulate state clean energy laws from certain types of legal challenges.

 

Mentioned link: State Power Project


Quotes:

“So I think the issue here for states was whether the Supreme Court was going to hog state regulatory power by basically porking up an old constitutional principle in a way that might really hamstring state authority.” (0:49)

“And the effect of what California is doing, even though it’s technically regulating in-state sales in California of pork products, it’s effectively regulating out-of-state production practices. And they argue this like per se, you can’t come back from this. Once you do this there’s no justification for this sort of regulatory scheme and it’s just automatically invalid under the Dormant Commerce Clause. All nine justices rejected this theory. So that’s really the headline from this case. This is a 9-0 win in favor of state authority.” (5:14)

“This has been characterized as a fractured opinion because there are these five opinions, but again, it’s 9-0 on what I think is the most important issue here, which is extraterritoriality under the Dormant Commerce Clause is dead.” (17:39)

Transcript

Carrie Jenks: Welcome to Clean Law from Harvard’s Environmental & Energy Law Program. I’m Carrie Jenks, EELP’s executive director, and I’m excited to be talking to Ari Peskoe, our electricity law initiative director. We’re going to be talking about a Supreme Court case. It was a decision in the case, National Pork Producers Council v. Ross. Now this is a case about pork producers, so I’m excited to be bringing it into clean energy law, and Ari has been long focused on how the Dormant Commerce Clause works into these cases and so Ari, thanks so much for joining us today.

Ari Peskoe: I’m excited to talk about this case.

Carrie: All right. Maybe we should start first with why an energy law podcast is going to be talking about a pork producer’s case.

Ari: Sure. So I think the issue here for states was whether the Supreme Court was going to hog state regulatory power by basically porking up an old constitutional principle in a way that might really hamstring state authority.

Carrie: And so how does this tie to energy?

Ari: Well, so clean energy opponents have been using some similar arguments over the past several years against various state clean energy programs. And this is basically a good news story for state clean energy programs because the Supreme Court shot down what I think was potentially the most damaging argument for state clean energy programs.

Carrie: All right, so what was the California law that was at issue?

Ari: The California law was about animal cruelty. It basically said that for pork products sold in California, those pigs had to be raised pursuant to certain humane standards. And this was a law that was voted on by actually the people of California who approved it by about a two-thirds margin.

Carrie: And so is this good for, let’s start with just pigs. Is this good for the pigs in California?

Ari: I’m not an expert here on animal welfare, but that was the idea of the law was to make sure that pigs were raised in a more, let’s say, humane way, if that’s possible.

Carrie: Okay. And so sticking with the pigs, what did the Court say just about the California law?

Ari: Sure. So the argument from the pork industry was that this law violates the Dormant Commerce Clause. So we might want to just pause and talk about what the Dormant Commerce Clause is. This is a very old constitutional principle and what’s animating the Dormant Commerce Clause is a prohibition on state economic protectionism. So the idea here is that are the framers enacted the Constitution, and one of the goals was to create a national market for goods and states shouldn’t be allowed to erect barriers to trade. So the classic Dormant Commerce Clause case is about a state law that benefits in-state businesses while harming out-of-state businesses. So just to give an example here in the energy space, there is a case at the Supreme Court 30 years ago about an Oklahoma law that told the electric utilities in that state that they have to buy at least 10% of their coal from Oklahoma coal companies.

And they had previously been buying all of their coal from Wyoming companies. And so this was a law that basically was going to benefit Oklahoma coal companies while disadvantaging Wyoming coal companies because it said this 10% of the market is simply not for you. So the Court struck that down as discriminatory under the Dormant Commerce Clause. That’s a classic Dormant Commerce Clause case. This case is not about that principle, but I want to make clear that that principle still very much exists and we can talk about how that also can affect clean energy laws. This is about two other aspects of the Dormant Commerce Clause. One is a more fact-based test that tries to weigh the in-state benefits of the law against the law’s burdens on interstate commerce. And there the justices had a lot to say and there’s a lot of disagreements in this opinion about what that test means and what it allows or requires courts to do, and we can get into that, but it’s very rare that a state law gets struck down solely on the basis of this balancing test.

The good news story here is really about what some clever judges have called the most dormant aspect of the Dormant Commerce Clause, which had been bubbling around in some lower courts for the past couple of decades and the Supreme Court had never explicitly weighed in on it, but basically, some litigants had interpreted three Supreme Court cases to create this almost per se rule against state laws that have the practical effect of controlling commerce outside the state. So this is the extraterritorial principle is what it’s called and this is really what this case I think is all about.

Carrie: And who is on the majority opinion and where did they fall on that second issue.

Ari: So just what the pork industry came in here and said was that because almost all of the pork products that are sold in California are actually produced in other states, what’s going to happen once this law takes effect is that out-of-state pork producers are going to have to change their practices to comply. And the effect of what California is doing, even though it’s technically regulating in-state sales in California of pork products, it’s effectively regulating out-of-state1 production practices. And they argue this like per se, you can’t come back from this. Once you do this there’s no justification for this sort of regulatory scheme and it’s just automatically invalid under the Dormant Commerce Clause. All nine justices rejected this theory. So that’s really the headline from this case. This is a nine-nothing win in favor of state authority.

Carrie: And have they used that theory in state clean energy?

Ari: Yeah, this extraterritorial theory has come up in a few cases against state clean energy programs. The one that’s most relevant is a challenge to Colorado’s renewable portfolio standard. I’m sure many of our listeners are probably familiar with a renewable portfolio standard, but basically, the state says that the utilities serving customers in that state have to buy a certain amount of renewable energy, or usually actually in practice they buy what are called renewable energy credits, representing a certain percentage of their total sales that year. And a, I would call them a conservative think tank, but I think that’s an injustice to thinkers everywhere came in and basically argued that this violates the extraterritorial principle because the effect of this will be since we have an interconnected electricity network out of state producers will be inevitably somehow affected by this law and therefore it’s going to violate the Dormant Commerce Clause.

So this was they invoke this. The case eventually came to the Tenth Circuit where now Justice then, Judge Gorsuch had the case and wrote a very strong opinion absolutely rejecting this extraterritorial theory and affirming that Colorado has authority to enact this renewable portfolio standard. So now Justice Gorsuch wrote one of the opinions in this case and basically elevates his view to Supreme Court precedent that there is no basis in the constitution for the idea that because a state regulation has effects in other states, it violates some constitutional, or at least I should say it certainly doesn’t violate the Dormant Commerce Clause.

Carrie: So that’s really helpful about Colorado. Are there other states where this is coming up?

Ari: Yeah, so the latest iteration of renewable portfolio standards is taking them to a hundred percent by some 2040, 2050 date. Usually it’s carbon free, not renewable. But anyway, Minnesota just passed one of these laws over the opposition of coal industry and government interests in North Dakota. And North Dakota was very clear as this bill was being debated in Minnesota that they were going to file a lawsuit in federal court. They were never quite clear on what the legal argument was going to be, but it seemed like they hinted that this was going to be the argument and they were just going to do it better than the litigants in Colorado did. The Supreme Court case here really closes that door for this sort of extraterritorial argument. And so they’ll have to come up with a new theory and some of the opinions here again, there’s five separate opinions here in this case and some of them give them some homework that they might want to do.

Carrie: So before we get to that, though, I think many people were worried about what the Court was going to say on this issue given that they took it up. Is there a conflict that they were trying to resolve or why do you think they took the case if it related to this one issue?

Ari: Yeah, so it’s always fun to speculate on why the Supreme Court takes this sort of action because they don’t really explain why they take a case. And I think it only takes four justices to agree to hear a case. And my best theory here now that we’ve seen the result is that there were four votes at the time to be very clear that this extraterritorial doctrine that had been batting around in the lower courts simply that should end, that this extraterritorial doctrine is simply not a threat to state regulation.

Carrie: So then shifting to where they don’t agree or where they’re providing less clarity, we have five different opinions on that issue.

Ari: Yes. So we have this discrimination aspect of the Dormant Commerce Clause that is untouched here. And then there is this balancing test, which is really almost like a cost-benefit analysis looking at the in-state benefits of the law compared to their burdens on interstate commerce. Now Gorsuch joined by Thomas said, “Look, in this particular case, the cost and benefits are not comparable because the benefits here are animal welfare and that really reflects the policy preferences of the people of California. And the costs are largely business costs that they might face in complying with this law and we simply… That’s not the Court’s role to compare these two incommensurable costs and benefits.” And so they said they would’ve simply dismissed the case. Justice Barrett comes in and says, “Well, I agree with that general principle that these benefits and costs really shouldn’t be compared, but I think they’ve alleged enough, they would probably send it back to the lower court to do more factual finding.”

Then you have Sotomayor and Kagan who say, “We don’t want to touch this test at all. We’re fine comparing costs and benefits. We think courts do that in a number of different contexts. It’s a delicate exercise, we’re not going to be cavalier about it, but we agree that in this particular case they didn’t allege sufficient burden to move forward with the case, so it should be dismissed.” Then you have the chief judge joined by everybody who I haven’t mentioned already, basically saying, “We think they actually have alleged sufficient burdens in this case and we think the case should move forward in the lower court and hold a trial and do fact-finding and actually measure these costs and benefits.” And here I’m a little bit concerned that while they’re getting rid of this extraterritorial doctrine, they may be trying to pork up this Pike test, which is the name of this balancing test, because there’s a quote from the chief justice who writes this opinion that really suggests that some of these extraterritorial effects should be considered as part of this balancing test.

Carrie: So who was on the opinion with the chief justice?

Ari: So it’s Alito, the chief judge, Jackson, and Kavanaugh.

Carrie: Okay.

Ari: That’s the lineup here. They’re basically saying that there are sufficient facts alleged in the complaint by the pork industry that the case shouldn’t be dismissed at this point. And they basically come forward and not only try to defend this balancing test, but I think really say these extraterritorial effects should be considered. Now I’m not too concerned about state regulations falling under this test because, and as I think I said before that it’s very rare that a court will strike down a state law just based solely on this sort of balancing test. And there’s enough language and various opinions including these opinions that says courts should be really careful in how they approach this sort of balancing.

Carrie: And then Kavanaugh?

Ari: Kavanaugh had his own opinion. He basically said, “We can’t let California get away with this.” So he said, “If we don’t do anything now, we’re going to see a lot of copycat laws like this.” And the idea would be that to quote from his opinion, “California has tried to do something unusual. It has attempted in essence to unilaterally impose its moral and policy preferences on the rest of the nation.” And so he’s concerned that we’ll see some sort of copycat law. And so he suggests other constitutional provisions that maybe in some future case they were not argued here but maybe could be used against these similar types of laws. But he sort of says in each case, “Not actually endorsing this, there’s no precedent to support this right now, but maybe this is a project for courts to work on over the next several years.”

So those clauses are the import export clause, which prohibits any state from imposing imposts or duties on imports or exports. The other one is the privileges and immunities clause, which provides that the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states. And finally, the full faith and credit clause requires each state to afford full faith and credit to the public acts of every other state. So North Dakota was considering this legal challenge to Minnesota’s clean energy law. Maybe they’ll be the first to make an effort to write new law essentially for one or two or three of these constitutional clauses in a way that’s going to ultimately hamstring clean energy. But we’re just not there yet. We need a lot of judges to come and make new law before this is a real threat to state regulatory authority.

Carrie: So one point that I found interesting in the opinion was that they talk about California because of the size of the economy and its imports of pork products can have an outsized impact on the national market. Given that the energy grid is obviously interstate, do you think that that’s an area of concern for clean energy laws that states are trying to implement?

Ari: So I think if a litigant raises that issue it’s going to be part of that fact-based balancing test. And again, that hasn’t really been a stumbling block for state clean energy laws. There’s also some disagreement with the point that you’re raising. Kavanaugh really raises it because he says, “Look, it’s going to allow a big state like California to dictate national policy.” Gorsuch’s response as well, “All states are equal. So if we’re going to scrutinize California more heavily, then we don’t have 50 equal states.” So he really rejects that argument. But you could imagine that the facts being relevant here to this balancing test and really the harm that courts are supposed to investigate under this test is not to particular businesses and the compliance costs they might face, but actually the harm to the interstate market itself. So you’d have to figure out a way to talk about how California’s preferences somehow affect the Western energy market generally, not just the fact that certain firms are going to pay more.

Carrie: What do you expect in the near term? You see these arguments coming up? Are there any portions of this opinion that will start to get traction?

Ari: Again, I think this is really primarily a good news story for clean energy because this extraterritorial argument that had been used in California as well for an earlier Minnesota law, it’s over for this and that’s good because what they were really arguing for was a per se rule of invalidity. That once there are these out-of-state effects, it’s just over. That argument is dead. I don’t see any imminent threat. I think there’s more of this long-term lurking threat that’s both in the chief justice’s opinion articulating how this balancing test could be used down the line as well as Kavanaugh’s long-term FedSoc research project about how we might transform our understanding of these three Constitutional clauses.

Carrie: So if you were a state and trying to enact policies that affected your in-state resources, what are some of the considerations that you would imagine states need to think about?

Ari: So there definitely still is this discrimination aspect and that still does come up with state clean energy laws. So states have in the past wanted to or even tried to require their utilities to purchase energy from in-state generators. That’s still problematic. That aspect of the Dormant Commerce Clause, there is a get out of jail card courts rarely affirm it, but it’s basically if you want to achieve some policy goal and there’s no less discriminatory means of achieving it, then you can actually discriminate. So this came up in one Supreme Court case where the state of Maine prohibited bait fish from being used from other states and Maine justified this on the basis of concerns about invasive species. And the Court said, “Fine, you can discriminate. That’s a legitimate concern.” So in the energy space you might have issues about reliability, local air quality, things like that that if the state can adequately justify could be a basis for an in-state requirement. But it’s definitely an area that states need to continue to be very careful about.

Carrie: Are there other concerns that you have based on this opinion or do you feel like this is a good news story? The press has sort of focused on the fact that the Pike balancing test gets raised, but I’m really hearing from you that you thought this was a good outcome.

Ari: Right. This has been characterized as a fractured opinion because there are these five opinions, but again, it’s 9-0 on what I think is the most important issue here, which is extraterritoriality under the Dormant Commerce Clause is dead.

Carrie: So this has been really helpful to unpack who was where on the court cases. Are there any other pieces of advice that you would have states think through as they’re thinking through whether it’s clean energy laws or I know this has come up in clean fuel standards as well.

Ari: So one of the defense to these extraterritorial claims that states have raised over the years was that they were within bounds of state authority because the only actors being regulated were in-state businesses and the only transactions that were being regulated were in-state transactions. So I think that’s still an important principle that states have to keep in mind, even if that’s not out of bound under the Dormant Commerce Clause, I think courts will find it troubling if states try to regulate wholly out-of-state actors or out-of-state transactions.

Carrie: Are there other cases that you think are going to get to the Supreme Court on these issues?

Ari: So there is a petition before the Supreme Court about a Texas transmission law that basically says only utilities in Texas get to build transmission in Texas. The Supreme Court has asked the US solicitor general for her opinion on whether to take this case so I would expect the brief to be in by the end of the summer, early fall, and we’ll see what she says. These laws are popping up all over the middle of the country as utilities look to protect themselves from competition in transmission development. Right now the Eighth Circuit said these laws are okay, the Fifth Circuit said they’re not, and so we’ll see if the Supreme Court wants to settle this issue. They might have decided they’ve set enough on the Dormant Commerce Clause for now, even though this is a different aspect of it, or they may want to feel like there’s something else to clarify on this other aspect of the Dormant Commerce Clause.

Carrie: Okay. Well we’ll be watching for that decision on what they want to do about that case. I really want to thank you for explaining this case to us. I know it’s been an issue, Dormant Commerce Clause has been an issue of long-tracked and watched.

Ari: Yeah, it’s one we’ve been tracking for a long time. So I also run statepowerproject.org and we’ve been tracking Dormant Commerce Clause cases about state clean energy programs now for almost 10 years, as well as cases that are about the Federal Power Act and how it affects state regulatory authority. So we’ll continue to do that. It could be that part of our Dormant Commerce Clause work has come to an end and I guess at least it’s on a good news note here and we’ll certainly keep track of that Texas case and let people know as soon as the Supreme Court makes a decision on that.

Carrie: Good. Well, we’ll put the link in the show notes, and thanks so much.

Ari: Thanks.


Warning: Undefined array key "post_type_name" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 21

Warning: Undefined array key "term_link" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 25

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 38

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 42

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 46


Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 80

Comment Filed Electricity Law FERC

Electricity Law Initiative Responds to FERC Inquiry on Utility Trade Associations


In February, the Electricity Law Initiative filed a comment at the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) arguing that FERC’s rules force ratepayers to subsidize utilities’ political advocacy, which is unfair to utility competitors and distorts competitive markets. At issue in the proceeding are FERC’s accounting rules that apply to electric and natural gas utilities with captive ratepayers. Under rules that date back to the 1950s, utilities can recover from ratepayers the dues they pay to their trade associations, such as the Edison Electric Institute and American Gas Association. In December, FERC requested comment on these accounting rules.

ELI argues that FERC’s accounting rules have not kept pace with industry developments. In the 1950s, the investor-owned utilities dominated the power sector, and there was virtually no other private investment in the industry. But today, numerous developers, retailers, and technology providers compete with utilities. Like utilities, these companies seek legislative and regulatory changes that benefit their businesses. It is impossible to divorce competition from political advocacy. The scope of competition and the rules governing competition are, at least in part, subject to political decisions. Trade associations are central players in this political space. They are designed to respond to the political landscape and shape political outcomes.

ELI shows that FERC’s accounting rules discriminate in favor of utilities and to the detriment of their competitors. It argues that forcing ratepayers to subsidize utility trade associations is particularly misguided because the benefiting utilities are designed to thrive without the sort of market-based competition that FERC and state regulators promote for the benefit of ratepayers. ELI suggests that FERC reverse its approach to trade association dues. Rather than presuming that utility dues can be recovered from ratepayers, FERC should require utilities to prove that they are paying for trade association activities that aim to enhance the quality of utility service. Relevant expenses might be focused on common industry technical challenges, such as cybersecurity and storm restoration. All other trade association expenses should be paid for by utility shareholders. Alternatively, ELI proposes how FERC can modify its existing rules to prevent ratepayers from subsidizing utilities’ political advocacy.


Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 193

Warning: Undefined array key "post_type_name" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 21

Warning: Undefined array key "term_link" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 25

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 38

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 42

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 46


Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 80

EELP News Electricity Law

Ari Peskoe is Visiting Scholar at Kleinman Center for Energy Policy


Policy Initiative Senior Fellow Ari Peskoe spent a week on the campus of the University of Pennsylvania recently, as a visiting scholar at the Kleinman Center for Energy Policy. While at Penn, Ari was a guest lecturer at Penn Law’s Energy and Climate Change Law course, gave a public talk attended by students, professors, and people from the private sector and government, and appeared on a podcast.

Ari’s public lecture focused on the roles of state and federal regulators in shaping the mix of resources that powers the U.S. electric grid. He discussed the history of state and federal regulation and explained how current disputes about New York and Illinois programs to support nuclear power could undermine state authority.

In the Kleinman Center’s Energy Policy Now Podcast, Ari discussed how state and federal regulators allow distributed energy resources, such as rooftop solar, to sell energy.


Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 193

Warning: Undefined array key "post_type_name" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 21

Warning: Undefined array key "term_link" in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 25

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 38

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 42

Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 46


Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 80

EELP News Electricity Law Media Appearances

Ari Peskoe Discusses Wholesale Electricity Markets and State Roles in DC


On Sep. 13, 2017, Ari Peskoe delivered the Energy Bar Association’s semi-annual “Author Talk,” to discuss his latest article. Peskoe’s paper, which was the featured article in the most recent issue of Energy Law Journal, is about integrating state renewable energy and carbon reduction policies into FERC-regulated electricity markets. The article concludes that FERC’s legal authority is adaptable to industry changes, and FERC’s approval of market rules that facilitate compliance with state carbon reduction goals would be consistent with the law.

After the Energy Bar Association talk, Peskoe moderated a discussion hosted by the Council on State Governments, an organization that brings together state regulators and legislators to discuss pressing public policy  issues. The panel discussion focused on state roles in implementing the Public Utilities Regulatory Policies Act of 1978 (PURPA), a law that requires electric utilities to purchase power from certain renewable energy generators.  The panel included an Idaho utility regulator, a legislator from North Carolina, a representative from a utility, and renewable energy developer.


Warning: Undefined variable $post_type_name in /nas/content/live/harvardeelp/wp-content/themes/eelp_2024/template-parts/content.php on line 193