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Administrative Law Deregulatory Resources Natural Resources Law

Trump Administration Targets Endangered Species Act Habitat Protections

The proposal would remove a key safeguard for endangered wildlife by removing the longstanding definition of “harm”


Updates: On Sept. 14, 2026, the director of the Fish and Wildlife Service circulated a memo interpreting the scope of “take” following the harm rescission. The director states that following Justice Scalia’s interpretation, take will be interpreted to mean only “an affirmative act that is intentionally and purposefully directed at a particular animal.” This interpretation drastically narrows the ESA’s ability to protect species.

On July 14, 2026, the Trump administration finalized its rescission of harm under the Endangered Species Act. In justifying the elimination of this 50-year-old regulatory definition, the administration took a highly unusual approach: it rejected Supreme Court precedent in Sweet Home upholding the harm definition and explicitly adopted Justice Scalia’s dissenting opinion in that case. The final rule states, “We adopt Justice Scalia’s rationale as articulated in Sweet Home and conclude that the Services’ regulatory definitions are unlawful, notwithstanding the Court’s prior upholding of the regulatory definition under Chevron deference.” While some other Trump rules have tried to sidestep Supreme Court precedent, for example, the endangerment finding repeal, we have not seen the administration flatly reject a Supreme Court decision in its legal rationale for a deregulatory action in this way. We will see how this aggressive approach fares in court.


The Endangered Species Act of 1973 (ESA) makes it unlawful for any person to “take” endangered species[1] and defines “take” to mean to “harass, harm, pursue,” “wound,” or “kill.”[2] In implementing regulations, the Fish and Wildlife Service and the National Marine Fisheries Service (“the Services”) have for over 40 years defined “harm” to include “significant habitat modification or degradation where it actually kills or injures wildlife.”[3] The Services used a broader regulatory definition of “harm” prior to 1981.[4] Habitat loss is a major threat to species across the United States.

On April 17, 2025, the Services proposed rescinding the longstanding definition of “harm” under Section 9 of the Endangered Species Act. The Services explained in the proposal that the definition of “harm,” which currently includes habitat loss and modification, “runs contrary to the best meaning” of the statute.

In a 1995 opinion written by Justice Stevens and joined by Justices O’Connor, Kennedy, Souter, Ginsberg, and Breyer, Babbitt v. Sweet Home Chapter of Communities for a Great Oregon, the Court held that “significant habitat modification or degradation that actually kills or injures wildlife” could reasonably be considered part of “harm” to species under the ESA.[5] This decision relied in part on Chevron Step 2 to bypass the underlying question of whether “take” as defined in the statute could include this regulatory definition of “harm.” The Court explained that the statutory definition of “take” (which includes “harm”) was ambiguous and the way the Fish and Wildlife Service defined “harm” in regulation was reasonable for a variety of reasons, allowing the Court to apply Chevron deference.

Now, the Trump administration uses Justice Scalia’s dissent in Sweet Home to conclude that the current regulations “do not match the single, best meaning of the statute,” arguing that “the regulations’ interpretation of the statutory language violates the noscitur a sociis canon [suggesting that a word is defined in context of surrounding words], did not properly account for over a thousand years of history, and is inconsistent with the structure of the ESA.” The Services states that no replacement definition is needed, as the statute already defines “take” and further explanation of the term “harm” “is unnecessary in light of the comprehensive statutory definition.”

The Services acknowledge that the 2024 Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo decision[6] overturning Chevron did not call into question cases previously decided under the Chevron framework. Nonetheless, they explain that rescinding the definition “on the ground that it does not reflect the best reading of the statutory text . . . would not only effectuate the Executive Branch’s obligation to ‘take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed,’ but would also be fully consistent with Sweet Home.”
 
In the proposal, the Services request public comment on whether there are “legitimate reliance interests” on the current regulations, noting possible environmental, aesthetic, and property rights interests, but stating that “we believe that reliance interests likely will be outweighed by the constitutional interest in repealing regulations that do not reflect the best reading of the statute.” The Services also invite the public to comment on whether and how NEPA analysis should apply. Comments are due by May 19.

This proposed rollback is one step in the Trump administration’s aggressive deregulatory agenda, laid out in a series of executive orders. The administration signaled in an April memorandum and fact sheet that it plans to use the Loper Bright decision to justify rolling back rules that it believes are not grounded in the “best meaning” of a statute. This proposed rule uses the pretext of Loper Bright to justify a rescission despite the fact that Loper Bright is not intended to unsettle past caselaw decided using the Chevron framework. Loper Bright applies to legal interpretations by courts, expressly limiting agencies’ authority to interpret the law.

The proposal ignores abundant scientific evidence that habitat loss harms threatened and endangered species, but it does not come as a surprise. Rolling back this definition has long been a priority for some organizations and was expected after Loper Bright.

We will be watching how the Services respond to commenters in the final rule, how courts view the Services’ justification in the final rule, and the practical impact of the final rule on habitat protection.


[1] 16 U.S.C. § 1538.
[2] 16 U.S.C. § 1532.
[3] “Harm in the definition of ‘take’ in the Act means an act which actually kills or injures wildlife. Such act may include significant habitat modification or degradation where it actually kills or injures wildlife by significantly impairing essential behavioral patterns, including breeding, feeding or sheltering.” 50 C.F.R. § 17.3; 50 C.F.R. § 222.102.
[4] As the Services explain, the earlier regulatory definition could have been read to include habitat modification or degradation without evidence of death or injury to species 46 FR 54748-01.
[5] Babbitt v. Sweet Home Chapter of Communities for a Great Oregon, 515 U.S. 687 (1995).
[6] Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, 603 U.S. 369, 394 (2024).


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Environmentalists’ worst fears met and surpassed in Trump’s first 100 days

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Why hasn’t Trump taken down the government’s climate adaptation plans?

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Environmental Justice

Why We Are Rescuing Government Environmental Data

Volunteers are preserving tools and data that the Trump administration is discarding, but we are no replacement for the centralized management and distribution of a public good.


Robust environmental and public health protections depend on quality data.

No single organization has the federal government’s resources to assemble and maintain as much data from thousands of sources. For this reason, Congress has consistently required federal agencies to collect and publish nationwide data on a range of issues, including communities’ exposure to climate-related hazards, toxic air pollution, and opportunities to mitigate transit-related greenhouse gas emissions, to name a few.

This information, in turn, supports crucial governmental functions to protect the environment and public health. For example, federal laws demand that the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) use the “best available science” when determining the amount of pollution that factories may emit or discharge into public waters. Regulators depend on those data to justify more protective standards. Communities and policymakers make pivotal funding, planning, and advocacy decisions based, in part, on federal data showing where people live and the climate and environmental harms to which they are exposed.

During the first Trump administration, Harvard Law School’s Environmental & Energy Law Program documented efforts across the federal government to undermine agencies’ scientific and expert capacities, including terminating the collection of essential environmental and public health data. After President Trump won reelection in November, we worked with our colleagues as part of a Salata Institute-funded interdisciplinary research cluster to identify and preserve key federal datasets monitoring environmental pollution, health, and climate change.


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In His First 100 Days, Trump Launched an ‘All-Out Assault’ on the Environment

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A Road Map of Trump’s Lawless Presidency, According to 35 Legal Scholars

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A ‘Citizen Lawyer’ Gets a Standing Ovation at the Supreme Court

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How environmental law took shape

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Administrative Law Climate Deregulatory Resources Power Sector

The Trump Administration’s Aggressive Anti-Regulatory, Pro-Fossil Fuel Directives

Executive orders reflect the administration’s expansive view of executive authority


During the week of April 7, 2025, the Trump administration issued a suite of new executive orders aimed at rescinding regulations, undermining state laws and regulations, and reviving the coal industry. These orders assert sweeping authority and rely on unprecedented legal arguments that are bound to face legal challenge.

This analysis examines how the these latest presidential directives reflect the Trump administration’s expansive view of executive authority, including: (1) aggressive deregulatory efforts that are premised on a contentious view of recent Supreme Court decisions and ignore the requirements of the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), (2) threats to legally challenge state energy and environmental laws and policies that the administration views as unconstitutional or unlawful, and (3) attempts to support the domestic coal industry by exempting coal plants from public health regulations and by asserting a national energy emergency. As with other executive orders, these are only directives and will require further steps by federal agencies to implement them.

We briefly summarize each of the directives and explain what we will be watching as agencies take steps to implement them and as Congress, courts, states, and the private sector respond.


EELP Rollback Resources